Or so says this guy in the Herald Sun…
Now I don’t know who he is or what his deal in, but (big surprise) I disagree.
The problem? For starters, who decides what a good outcome is? It could be economic growth, it could be environmental protection, or greater income equality, or more opportunities for the disadvantaged, or it could be more substantial rewards for personal effort.
These are all reasonable debates. Disagreements our democracy allows, and that are be worked out right now through our state and federal parliaments. The committee whatshisname is suggesting would stifle that debate and attempt (unsuccessfully I believe) to find some kind of pseudo-objective consensus where none exists.
Would the committee (lets call it the Committee of Public Safety,* for arguments sake) be rewarded for building a new freeway, or punished for not reducing car dependency and increasing public transport patronage?
Would our Comité de salut public (I’ve made it French for extra flair**), which increases the use of renewable energy, be lauded, or punished, if this meant slightly higher power prices? And if they are to be given incentives for good decisions (how we objectively decide these good decisions, I do not know) who decides how they get the incentives? And how do we ensure these incentives encourage better decision making of currently Parliamentarians?
Now, I know I’m banging on about the same issue about (two of the last seven posts have been on some derivation of this issue). However, one upside is it gives me a chance to make some sweet graphs. For instance, the figure below shows voters attitudes towards immigration (as measured in the Australian Election Study) conditional on their occupation.
Why might we care about this? Because how people view policy outcomes (for instance, whether more immigration is good or bad) will depend on their life experience. As we can see below, voters with professional and managerial occupations are more likely to have positive views on immigration. From 1990 to 2010, 20% of professionals and 15% of managers said the number of migrant arrivals had not gone far enough, compared with 11% of voters in general, 10% of those without employment and 8% of those in manual occupations. Conversely, 34% of professionals and 41% of managers said immigration to Australia had gone too far over this period, compared with 49% of the electorate in general, 54% of those without employment and 62% of those in manual occupations.
Why might this be? There is some evidence the benefits of immigration may flow disproportionately to the owners of capital and higher income households. This potential distribution of the benefits of immigration reveals itself in public opinion, with voters in professional and managerial occupations (generally higher income jobs) tending to hold more positive attitudes towards immigration.
A technocrat could look at the objective evidence, but on many policy issues we deal with in politics – from immigration to redistribution to something else – the data is open to interpretation and objectivity is thin on the ground. So while immigration may boost GDP growth, for instance, that boost in growth may mostly accrue to the immigrants themselves, and certain segments of the population, and have more limited benefits for other groups. The research is not conclusive on that, but that’s the whole point: you’re not necessarily going to find some sweet spot in the middle everyone agrees on. That’s why we have politics and parliament and elections; so the contentious issues that divide us can be thrashed out. We might not all like the outcomes of this contest all the time, but it’s better than someone deciding outcomes without the accountability that comes with elections.
*Prize for the person who gets the reference.
** A second hint. Come on, it’s easy.